Denial of the Armenian Genocide

Denial of the Armenian Genocide is the assertion that the events within the Ottoman Empire following April 24 1915 and the Tehcir Law of May 1915 were not part of a state-organized genocide directed against the empire's Armenian inhabitants, and that the Armenian Genocide did not occur.[1] For example, the Republic of Turkey does not accept the deaths were the consequence of an intention of Ottoman authorities to eliminate Armenian people indiscriminately.[1] Turkey acknowledges that during World War I many Armenians died, but counters that Turks died as well, and that massacres were committed on both sides as a result of inter-ethnic violence and the wider conflict of World War I.[1]
Armenian Genocide
Background
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire · Armenian Question · Hamidian Massacres · Zeitun Resistance (1895) · 1896 Ottoman Bank Takeover · Yıldız Attempt · Adana Massacre · Young Turk Revolution
The Genocide
Armenian notables deported from the Ottoman capital · Tehcir Law · Armenian casualties of deportations · Ottoman Armenian casualties  · Labour battalion
Major extermination centers:
Bitlis · Deir ez-Zor · Diyarbakır · Erzurum · Kharput · Muş · Sivas · Trabzon
Resistance:
Zeitun  · Van · Musa Dagh · Urfa · Shabin-Karahisar · Armenian militia
Foreign aid and relief:
American Committee for Relief in the Near East
Responsible parties
Young Turks:
Talat · Enver · Djemal · Behaeddin Shakir · Committee of Union and Progress · Teskilati Mahsusa · The Special Organization · Ottoman Army · Kurdish Irregulars · Reşit Bey · Cevdet Bey · Topal Osman
Trials
Courts-Martial · Operation Nemesis  · Malta Tribunals
Aftermath
Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire · Denial of the Genocide · Post-Genocide timeline
This box:     [ edit]

Terminology

Currently, regarding the activities performed under Tehcir Law, May 1915, the Republic of Turkey rejects the use of word "deportation" and "refugee".[2] Turkey uses the terminology "relocation" (resettlement) and "immigrant". Turkey cites that the process was between May 27 1915 to February 8, 1916, and all the destination regions were within the Ottoman Empire's borders. According to revisionist historians, the Ottoman government perceived the immigrants as its citizens and took extensive measures to record the type, quantity, and value of the "immigrant" property, as well as recording the names of the owners and where they were sent.[2] Turkey uses the terminology "deportation" for expulsion of foreigners (the expulsion of natives is usually called banishment, exile, or transportation) or extradition which generally means the expulsion of someone from a country[3].

Late response

The Turkish government was very slow in answering the genocide charges, though nearly a century had passed since the events.[4] In 1975 Turkish historian and biographer Sevket Sureyya Aydemir summarized the reasons for this delay. He said, "The best course, I believe, is not to dwell on this subject and allow both sides to forget (calm) this part of history." This view was shared by the foreign ministry of Turkey at the time. Zeki Kuneralp, a former Turkish ambassador, had a different explanation, according to him "The liabilities of not publishing the historical documents outweigh the advantages."[5]

Only in the 1980s did the controversy become public through the work of Kamuran Gürün. Other Turkish institutions followed Gürün. The basic thesis of genocide was only then tested by gathering and organizing the decades-old records and data on the conflict and its casualties. Also at this time, political[6] and military[7] analysis of the crisis began. Since the initial exposure, academic analysis has proceeded to find the underlying conditions of the Empire and the Armenians, with the aim of understanding history to prepare for the future, rather than preserving national pride.

Arguments brought forward

April 24

While World War I was unfolding in the Middle East and shattering the Ottoman Empire, some members of the two primary nationalist groups within the state, the Armenians and the "Arab revolt", called for armed struggle against the Ottomans[8]. Christian Armenians were located in both the Russian and Ottoman Empires[8]. Some Armenians insisted that their people support the Ottoman government[8], as Armenians were placed in the Ottoman bureaucracy, but other Armenians claimed that only the Russian Tsar, by virtue of shared religion, was the protector of all Armenians[9]. In eastern Anatolia, during the Caucasus Campaign some of the Ottoman Armenian population, often following the Armenian radical nationalists, engaged in open warfare[9], these activities are summarized under Armenian resistance. The Zeitun Resistance, which lasted three months from August 30, 1914 to December 1, 1914, resulted in the report that Armenians defeated all the Ottoman troops sent against them[10].

In April 1915, shortly after the Van resistance, an Armenian government was proclaimed in Van[9], the Administration for Western Armenia. Following these events, April 25 was the onset of the Allied campaign to drive towards the Ottoman capitol, see Battle of Gallipoli. The day before Battle of Gallipoli, Talat Pasha took a decision on April 24 1915 with the internal codes given by the archive code BOA. DH. ŞFR, nr.52/96,97,98[11]. Talat Pasha ordered the governors of the Ottoman Empire to (a) arrest the members of Armenian Revolutionary Federation, Hentchak and other groups that involve with Armenian national liberation movement, (b) collect documents from party houses and (c) destroy all arms seized in the process. Beginning April 24, there were Armenian notables deported from the Ottoman capital in 1915. The Ottoman Empire wanted to destroy the Armenian resistance and the Turkish authorities today hold the position that the deaths incurred on Armenians as a whole were the result of the turmoil of World War I and that the Ottoman Empire was fighting against Russia, Armenian volunteer units, and the Armenian militia. The Turkish authorities further assert that claims of massacre which ignore the actions of the Armenian resistance movements, are not established historical fact, and therefore grounds for denial that the Armenian Genocide ever took place.

Furthermore, they contend that there was a political movement towards creating a "Republic of Armenia". The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the Balkanization process were in the same period, and may obfuscate the actual events.

Deportations

See also: Tehcir Law
The Turkish authorities claim that the forced migrations cannot be classified as acts of genocide by the state.

Locations

They note that in 1915 there was only one railway that connects west-east and that the path of what it considers relocation was not a conspiracy to exterminate Armenians. Turkish authorities strongly reject claims that the locations of the camps which are mentioned in some sources are a result of a conspiracy to bury Armenians in deserts. Deir ez-Zor is a district along the Euphrates and one of the unique places far away from any military activity; thus, Deir ez-Zor's selection as a burying site in a deserted location is rejected. They attribute the graves in these areas to difficulties of traveling under very hard conditions. The conditions of these camps reflected the condition of the Ottoman Empire. The Empire was facing the Gallipoli landings in the west, and the Caucasus Campaign in the east.

Ethnic cleansing

Regarding the "process of relocation" under the Tehcir Law, arguments disputing the similarities to the ethnic cleansing (Holocaust) are as follows: (a) there is no record of (neither from origination archives nor from destination archives in Syria) an effort to develop a systematic process and efficient means of killing, (b) there are no lists or other methods for tracing the Armenian population to assemble and kill as many people as possible, (c) there was no resource allocation to exterminate Armenians (biological, chemical warfare allocations), and the use of morphine as a mass extermination agent is not accepted; in fact, there was a constant increase in food and support expenses and these efforts continued after the end of deportations, (d) there is no record of Armenians in forced deportations being treated as prisoners, (e) the claims regarding prisoners apply only to the leaders of the Armenian militia, but did not extend to ethnic profiling; the size of the security force needed to develop these claims was beyond the power of the Ottoman Empire during 1915, (f) there is no record of prisons designed or built to match the claims of a Holocaust, (g) there were no public speeches organized by the central government targeting Armenians.

Security of Deportees

The security of the immigrants were under the responsibility of the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish authorities present the facts that some companies had been attacked before they reached their settlement regions [12]. They summarize these attacks; present the fact that the roads between Aleppo and Meskene resulted in many deaths[13]. Other events were located at Diyarbekir to Zor and from Saruc to Halep through Menbic road [14]. Companies have also faced with local attacks from the local tribes in the Diyarbekir, Mamuretülaziz and Bitlis regions [15]. Various eyewitness accounts of Armenian civilians being killed by the Ottoman soldiers they were under command of are usually discounted by revisionist historians.

The Turkish authorities present two positions regarding on this issue; (1) "Investigation Commissions" during the migration process determined the officers, who showed reluctance or unlawful actions, by visiting to the regions that events occurred and following the decisions they observed the appropriate actions taken[16] [17] [18] The appropriate actions were extended to the Court Martial and in accordance with the judgments at the Court Martial, guilty parts were sentenced to heavy punishments [19] (2) End of the World War I; the issue opened one more time during the Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919-20 under the military occupation of Istanbul, which Ottoman courts generated one more analysis.

The Turkish authorities maintain the position that the Ottoman Empire did not exercise the degree of control which the opposing parties claim. Turkey accepts that there were Armenian deaths as a result of Ottoman decisions, but states that the responsible Ottoman bureaucrats and military personnel were tried. Bernard Lewis believe that what he names the "tremendous massacres" [20] were not "a deliberate preconceived decision of the ottoman government." [21] The Dutch historian believe that the reported killings during the application of Tehcir law were ordered not by the Ottoman government itself, but claims that a small circle [22]. He supported his claims, in particular, the holding of trials by court martial involving several hundred soldiers guilty of massacres, as early as 1916[23]. As such, he believed that the killings could not be qualified as genocide.

Casualties

There is no consensus between Armenian scholars and Turkish scholars which casualties should be directly assigned to Ottoman Empire. Western historians say that before and after the WWI Armenian population difference should be used. The Ottoman Armenian population before 1914 gain very importance in this perspective. Western publications use partial statistics (conflict regions) representing like Turkish Armenia, Anatolia, Ottoman Armenia, Asiatic Turkey, 6 Armenian Villeyets, 9 Armenian Villeyets etc. Historians like Yusuf Halacoglu, claims that Ottoman Empire should only be responsible from "deportations" and brings forward more questionable lower figures of Armenian casualties.

Based on questionable studies of the Ottoman census by Justin McCarthy and on contemporary estimates, it is said that far fewer than 1.5 million Armenians lived in the relevant areas before the war[25]. Estimates of deaths are thus lowered, ranging from 600,000 to 200,000 between 1914 and the Armistice of Mudros. In addition, it is said that these deaths are not all related to the deportations, nor should they all be attributed to the Ottoman authorities.

Yusuf Halacoglu, President the Turkish Historical Society (TTK), presented even more questionable lower figures of Armenian casualties. He estimates that with the "deportations" (excluding inter-ethnic violence) total of 56,000 Armenians perished during the period due to war conditions, and less than 10,000 were actually killed. This study is still absent from Turkish foreign affairs publications.

Assertions brought forward

Inter-ethnic violence

Ottoman Armenian history can not be understood in isolation especially without the consideration of rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman sources use similar arguments to Armenian nationalism which they use to other non-Ottoman ethnic groups. They point to the famous patriotic speech “The Paper Ladle” of Catholicos Mgrdich Khrimian in which he advised Armenians to take the National awakening of Bulgaria as a model as the hopes of the Armenian people for self-determination were ignored.[26]. “The Paper Ladle” was a turning point at the Armenian national awakening in the Ottoman Empire. The nationalism did not only influence the Armenians. The Kurdish-Armenian relations caused trouble for both the Armenian and Muslim populations of the region. The New York Times quoted a Turkish embassy gazette in 1896 that stated: "It wasn't the Porte that caused the massacres in Armenia, but the Christian propaganda in Asia Minor where their cry, "Down with Islam," initiated the war of the crescent against the cross." [27]

The plight of Ottoman Muslims throughout the 19th and 20th centuries is also mentioned. According to the historian Mark Mazower, Turkey resents the fact that the West is ignorant of the fate of millions of Muslims expelled from the Balkans and Russia, and would consider any apology towards Armenians as a confirmation of the anti-Turkish sentiment held by Western powers for centuries. Mazower recognizes a genocide of the Armenians, but he notes "Even today, no connection is made between the genocide of the Armenians and Muslim civilian losses: the millions of Muslims expelled from the Balkans and the Russian Empire through the long 19th century remain part of Europe's own forgotten past. Indeed, the official Turkish response is invariably to remind critics of this fact — an unconvincing justification for genocide, to be sure, but an expression of underlying resentment" [28] .

Famine

Enlarge picture
Turn of 1919, at best a serious food shortage and famine in the eastern parts of the Ottoman Empire
Regarding the famine and starvation arguments; Turkish authorities acknowledges that many Armenians died, but says Muslim millet (Turks) of the Empire died too. The most horrible cases, which happened to occur around the region that is currently Syria (part of Ottoman Empire until end of war), was covered in a detailed article (the whole of Greater Syria, and thus including Akkar) by Linda Schatkowski Schilcher.[29] This study lists what she views as eight basic factors, contributing to as many as 500,000 deaths of the Syrians in the 1915-1918 period: (a) The Entente powers' total blockage of the Syrian coast; (b) the inadequacy of the Ottoman supply strategy; deficient harvest and inclement weather; (c) diversion of supplies from Syria as a consequence of the Arab revolt; (d) the speculative frenzy of a number of unscrupulous local grain merchants; the callousness of German military official in Syria, and systematic hoarding by the population at large. [30]

In general, beginning with World War I every situation of the Empire got worse every year, as most of the able man being in the front lines. Signing of the Armistice of Mudros by the Ottoman Empire was related with the breakdown of the public support under very bad conditions.

Conflict resolution

The Turkish authorities seek both historical and political reconciliation with Armenia, but has put forth certain conditions before reconciliation. Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 following the Nagorno-Karabakh War between Armenia and Turkic-speaking Azerbaijan. The borders have remained closed because the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute has not been settled to this day, and also because of a dispute over a matter of history: The death of hundreds of thousands of Armenians in eastern Turkey during the dying days of the Ottoman Empire; whether to label it 'genocide' or not.[31]

Documentation and historical study

Historians that used the Ottoman Archives.[32][33]
From #
Armenian190
USA605
Japanese203
German168
French150
Saudi Arabian98
Iranian84
British74
Israel70
Libyan63
Hungarian58
Argentinean52
Bulgarian47
Egyptian63
Dutch39
Romanian36
Algerian35
Tunisian35
Canadian28


As a scholarly study area, the field is highly divided, as the camps on both sides of this issue approach it very strongly.

Every original document of the Tehcir Law is open[34]. The Ottoman Archives were taken over by the Governmental Archives Directorate of the Prime Ministry. Until today, the Ottoman Archives were researched by many historians. Beside the researches made by thousands of historians, these documents were translated in English and published in order to enlighten the public [35].

Turkish authorities point out that without doing a triangulation, even if the facts were reported correctly, the conclusions drawn can be false. It is also possible to look at secondary sources in the Ottoman Archives of the period such as budget, allocations, decisions/reasons of requests. There are also personal records such as Mehmed Talat Pasha's personal notes. They also point out the general attitude (Sick man of Europe) of the time and how it deforms perceptions. They state that the conclusions reached toward genocide are highly biased.

Some very "central" (most cited) sources are actively questioned on the basis that they do not include a single reference from the Ottoman Archives. Mainly occupying force's sources of the period (British, French) on the basis of their Intelligence (information gathering) issues. There are concerns that these sources may promote propaganda.

Enver Zia Karal (Ankara University), Salahi R. Sonyel (British historian and public activist), Ismail Binark (Director of Ottoman archives, Ankara), Sinasi Orel (director of a much publicized project on declassifying documents on Ottoman Armenians), Kamuran Gurun (former diplomat), Mim Kemal Oke, Justin McCarthy, and others have told that the "Blue Book" (The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916) by James Bryce and Arnold J. Toynbee lacks credibility.[36]

Reverse engineering of activities aimed to provide evidence without covering opposing reasoning, such as "Map of Genocide", contain factual problems according to these historians. In this map, the methodology developed, related to "Centers of Massacre and Deportation" and adding data from three different sources (the data in these sources are also aggregate data), is questionable. This map is used as a source of validation among Western scholars.

They bring up points on arguments that there was a secret arrangement which can be traced through mismatches on orders and distributions of the forced deportations. There are many periphery central transmissions on how to deal with emerging issues, such as allocating more than 10% of the destination population and its consequences to the local economy.

Institutional Study

Open University of Israel scholar Yair Auron has addressed the various means employed by the Turkish government to obscure the reality of the Armenian Genocide:

University of California, Los Angeles scolar Leo Kuper in a review on Ervin Staub's "The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence" research, marks:

Talat Pasha Telegrams

See also: Aram Andonian
In many references that cite genocidal intent use "The Talat Pasha telegrams, (The Naim-Andonian documents)", which are a series of documents by the Interior Minister Mehmed Talat Pasha, to constitute as concrete evidence that the deaths were implemented as a state policy. He was notoriously tied with the "Kill every Armenian man, woman, and child without concern" order in these documents (see Aram Andonian's page for more on this topic). The genocidal intent of Mehmed Talat Pasha and even the correctness of this famous sentence is highly dependant on the authenticity of these documents.

Issues regarding deniers

Outlawing

Some countries, including Argentina, Switzerland and Uruguay have adopted laws that punish genocide denial. In October 2006, France passed a bill which if approved by the Senate and president, will make Armenian Genocide denial a crime.

The first person convicted by a court of law for denying the Armenian genocide is Turkish politician Doğu Perinçek, found guilty by a Swiss district court in Lausanne in March 2007. Perinçek appealed the verdict. Ferai Tinç, a foreign affairs columnist with Turkey's Hurriyet newspaper, added, "we find these type of [penal] articles against freedom of opinion dangerous because we are struggling in our country to achieve freedom of thought."[37] After the court's decision, Perinçek said, "I defend my right to freedom of expression."

Advertisement

The Ankara Chamber of Commerce included DVDs, accusing the Armenian people of slaughtering Turks, with their paid tourism advertisements in the June 6, 2005 edition of the magazine TIME Europe. Time Europe later apologized for allowing the inclusion of the DVDs and published a critical letter signed by five French organizations. [38][39] The February 12, 2007 edition of Time Europe included an acknowledgment of the truth of the Armenian Genocide and a DVD of a documentary by French director Laurence Jourdan about the genocide. [40]

See also

References

1. ^ "Q&A Armenian 'genocide'", British Broadcasting Corporation, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
2. ^ "Views Against Genocide Allegations", Republic of Turkey Ministry of Culture and Turism, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
3. ^ Turkish Language Association. "Terimler sozlugu", Turkish Language Association, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
4. ^ The Ottoman Armenians: Victims of Great Power Diplomacy (Book Review). Mango, Andrew. Asian Affairs, Jun88, Vol. 19 Issue 2.
5. ^ Cited by Pierre Caraman in L'ouverture des archives d'Istanbul in Nouvel Observateur, January-February (1989) p. 145
6. ^ Salahi Ransdam, The Ottoman Armenians: Victims of great power diplomacy 1987.
7. ^ Erickson, Edward J. Bayonets on Musa Dagh: Ottoman Counterinsurgency Operations — 1915 in the Journal of Strategic Studies Vol. 28 Issue 3. (June 2005)
8. ^ William Ochsenwald, Sydney Nettleton Fisher The Middle East: A History Volume I. Publisher: McGraw-Hill Humanities/Social Sciences/Languages; 6 edition (June 4, 2003) ISBN 978-0072442335 Page 379
9. ^ William Ochsenwald, Sydney Nettleton Fisher The Middle East: A History Volume I. Publisher: McGraw-Hill Humanities/Social Sciences/Languages; 6 edition (June 4, 2003) ISBN 978-0072442335 Page 380
10. ^ Washington post dispatch. The Washington post Friday, November 12, 1914. ARMENIANS JOIN RUSSIANS (this is about Van Resistance)AND 20,000 SCATTER TURKS NEAR FEITUN (this is about first Zeitun Resistance), '(see image detail for explanation)
11. ^ Archive code BOA. DH. ŞFR, nr.52/96,97,98
12. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office, no. 59/244
13. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office, no. 59/244
14. ^ Coding Office, no. 56/140; 55 - A/144.
15. ^ Coding Office, no 54/9; no 54/162.
16. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office; no 56/186
17. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office; no 56/355; no 58/38
18. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office, no 56/267
19. ^ Ottoman Archive Coding Office, no 58/278; no 58/141; no. 55-A/156; no. 55-A/157; no 61/165; no 57/116; no 57/416; no 57/105; no 59/235; no 54-A/326; no 59/196
20. ^ Statement of Professor Bernard Lewis, Princeton University, "Distinguishing Armenian Case from Holocaust", Assembly of Turkish American Associations, April 14, 2002 (PDF)
21. ^ Getler, Michael. "Documenting and Debating a 'Genocide'", The Ombudsman Column, PBS, April 21, 2006. Retrieved October 9, 2006.
22. ^ Reported in French Wikipedia cited to: Erik J. Zürcher, Turkey, a modern history, New York, 1993
23. ^ Reported in French Wikipedia cited to: Entretien accordé au quotidien turc Zaman, 10 mai 2006
24. ^ Stanford Jay Shaw, Ezel Kural Shaw "History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey" Cambridge University page 239-241
25. ^ page 3 of [1]
26. ^ (Haig Ajemian, Hayotz Hayrig, page 511-3; [translated by Fr. Vazken Movsesian]
27. ^ The New York Times (September 13, 1896). "Indignation in Germany: A Strong Anti-Turkey agitation begun in the empire." 548. Retrieved on 2007-10-13. 
28. ^ London Review of Books, vol.23, no. 3
29. ^ “The famine of 1915-1918 in greater Syria,” in John Spangnolo, ed., Problems of the Modern Middle East in Historical Perspectives (Reading, 1992), p.234-254.
30. ^ “The famine of 1915-1918 in greater Syria,” in John Spangnolo, ed., Problems of the Modern Middle East in Historical Perspectives (Reading, 1992), p.234-254.
31. ^ [2]
32. ^ http://www.kultur.gov.tr/>Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Turism. "Views Against Genocide Allegations", Ministry of Culture and Turism, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
33. ^ [3]
34. ^ Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Turism. "Views Against Genocide Allegations", Ministry of Culture and Turism, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
35. ^ Ottoman Archives. ""Regulations for the usa of Ottoman Archives"", Turkey Ottoman Archives institution, 2006-10-12. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. 
36. ^ Toynbee characterised the Armenian massacres as genocide in much later works including Acquaintances (1967) and Experiences (1969). See Hans-Lukas Kieser's review of Halacoglu's work.
37. ^ "Turkish politician fined over genocide denial", Swissinfo with agencies, March 9, 2007. 
38. ^ [4] In Turkey, a Clash of Nationalism and History
39. ^ [5] TIME carries documentary, adopts policy on Armenian Genocide
40. ^ [6] TIME MAGAZINE: Carries documentary, adopts policy on Armenian Genocide

External links

:Mutual Perceptions Research (Armenia/Turkey) (*.doc file) "The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) and the Armenian Sociological Association (HASA) have organized a Mutual Perceptions Research Project. Each group is carrying out sociological research to identify key issues of cultural understanding between the neighboring countries, including the perception of Turks by Armenians and of Armenians by Turks. The study focuses on the perceptions of the majority populations in each country. The combined results will constitute study findings. Representatives from each team met in Yerevan and fieldwork was undertaken in both countries. The results of the research were presented at an international seminar jointly organized by TESEV and HASA in Tbilisi, Georgia (country)."
April 24 is the 1st day of the year (2nd in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. There are 0 days remaining.

Events


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19th century - 20th century - 21st century
1880s  1890s  1900s  - 1910s -  1920s  1930s  1940s
1912 1913 1914 - 1915 - 1916 1917 1918

Year 1915 (MCMXV
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Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction of an ethnic, religious or national group. While precise definition varies among genocide scholars, the legal definition is found in the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
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Motto
Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh
Peace at Home, Peace in the World
Anthem
İstiklâl Marşı
The Anthem of Independence
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Ottoman Empire or Ottoman Caliphate (1299 to 1922) (Old Ottoman Turkish: دولت عالیه عثمانیه Devlet-i Âliye-yi Osmâniyye, Late Ottoman and Modern Turkish:
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Clockwise from top: Trenches on the Western Front; a British Mark IV tank crossing a trench; Royal Navy battleship HMS Irresistible sinking after striking a mine at the Battle of the Dardanelles; a Vickers machine gun crew with gas masks, and German Albatros D.
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Clockwise from top: Trenches on the Western Front; a British Mark IV tank crossing a trench; Royal Navy battleship HMS Irresistible sinking after striking a mine at the Battle of the Dardanelles; a Vickers machine gun crew with gas masks, and German Albatros D.
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Ottoman Armenia, beginning with the rule of Selim II (1524 – 1574) becomes the integral part of the Ottoman Empire. However, the initial accession begins with Mehmed II, who also offered the Ottoman support to initiate Armenian Patriarch in Constantinople.
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The term "Armenian Question" as used in European history, became common place among diplomatic circles and in the popular press after the Congress of Berlin; that in like Eastern Question, refers to powers of Europe's involvement to the Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire
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Hamidian massacres also known as Armenian Massacres in 1894-1896 refers to the massacring of Armenians by the Ottomans, an estimated 100,000 to 300,000. [1] [2]

One of the most serious incidents occurred in Armenian populated parts of Anatolia.
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First Zeitun Resistance (Armenian: Զէյթունի առաջին ապստամբութիւնը
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1896 Ottoman Bank Takeover (Armenian: Պանք Օթօմանի գրաւումը
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The Adana massacre occurred in Adana Province, in the Ottoman Empire, in April 1909. A religious-ethnic clash[1] in the city of Adana amidst governmental upheaval resulted in a series of anti-Armenian pogroms throughout the district.
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Young Turk Revolution of 1908 reversed the suspension of the Ottoman parliament by Sultan Abdul Hamid II, marking the onset of the Second Constitutional Era. A landmark in the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the Revolution arose from an unlikely union of reform-minded
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For more information on battalion see Labour battalion


A labour battalion (Turkish: Amele Taburu, Greek: Τάγμα Εργασίας Tagma Ergasias
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Bitlis (Kurdish: Bilîs or Bedlîs) is a city in Turkey, capital of Bitlis Province. Population 38,130 as of 1990. Kurds form the majority of the population.
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Deir ez Zor, also spelled Dayr az-Zawr, Deir al-Zur and other variants (Arabic: دير الزور; Armenian: Դեր Զոր or Der Zor
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Erzurum (Armenian: Կարին (Karin), see also its former and other names) is a city in eastern Anatolia, Turkey.
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Sivas (sometimes misspelt as "Sıvas", Kurdish: Sêwas, Greek: Σεβάστεια, Armenian: Սեբաստիա
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Trabzon, formerly known as Trebizond (Greek: Τραπεζοῦς Trapezûs or Τραπεζούντα Trapezúnta
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Armenian resistance is the military and political activities of the "Armenian militia" or (Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, Armenakan, Armenian Revolutionary Federation) against the Ottoman Empire during the World War I.
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Zeitun Resistance
Part of Armenian Resistance

Date August 30-December 1, 1914 and March 25-1915
Location Zeitun in Kahramanmaraş Province

Result

Combatants
Ottoman Empire members of Hunchaks (Social Democrat Hunchakian Party)

Strength
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