ergative-absolutive language

Information about ergative-absolutive language

Linguistic typology
Morphological
Analytic
Synthetic
Fusional
Agglutinative
Polysynthetic
Oligosynthetic
Morphosyntactic
Alignment
Accusative
Ergative
Philippine
Active-stative
Tripartite
Inverse marking
Syntactic pivot
Theta role
Word Order
VO languages
Subject Verb Object
Verb Subject Object
Verb Object Subject
OV languages
Subject Object Verb
Object Subject Verb
Object Verb Subject
Time Manner Place
Place Manner Time
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An ergative-absolutive language (or simply ergative) is one that treats the agent of transitive verbs distinctly from the subject of intransitive verbs and the object of transitive verbs.

Ergative vs. accusative languages

The distinguishing feature of an ergative language is that it maintains an equivalence between the object of a transitive verb and the subject of an intransitive verb, while treating the agent of a transitive verb differently. This contrasts with nominative-accusative languages (such as English), where the subject of transitive and intransitive verbs are treated like each other but distinctly from the object of a transitive verb.

Enlarge picture
Ergative alignment

These different arguments are usually symbolized as follows:
  • O = object of transitive verb (also symbolized as P for ‘patient’)
  • S = subject of intransitive verb
  • A = agent of transitive verb
The relationship between ergative and accusative systems can be schematically represented as the following:

 Ergative-absolutive Nominative-accusative
Osamedifferent
Ssamesame
Adifferentsame


See morphosyntactic alignment for a more technical explanation and a comparison with nominative-accusative languages.

Note that subject as used here refers only to the sole obligatory argument of an intransitive verb. Subject as it is typically defined in grammars of nominative-accusative languages — combining intransitive subject and transitive agent roles — is incorrect when referring to ergative-absolutive languages, or when discussing morphosyntactic alignment in general.

Realization of ergativity

Ergativity can be found in both morphological and syntactic behavior.

Morphological ergativity

If the language has morphological case, then the verb arguments are marked thus:
  • The agent of a transitive verb (A) is marked with ergative case.
  • The subject of an intransitive verb (S) and the object of a transitive verb (O) are both marked with absolutive case.
The following Basque examples demonstrate an ergative-absolutive case marking system:

Ergative Language
Sentence: Gizona etorri da.    Gizonak mutila ikusi du.
Word:gizona-∅etorri da    gizona-kmutila-∅ikusi du
Gloss:the.man-ABShas arrived    the.man-ERGboy-ABSsaw
Function:SVERBintrans    AOVERBtrans
Translation: ‘The man has arrived.?    ‘The man saw the boy.?


In Basque, gizona is "the man" and mutil is "boy". Gizona has a different case marking depending on whether it is the argument of a transitive or intransitive verb. The first form is in the absolutive case, marked here by a null morpheme (-∅) and the second form is in the ergative case, marked by a -k suffix. The subject of the intransitive sentence and the object of the transitive sentence both have the same absolutive case, while ergative case appears only on the transitive agent.

In contrast, Japanese, a nominative-accusative language, marks nouns with a different case marking system:

Accusative Language
Sentence: Otoko ga tsuita.    Otoko ga kodomo o mita.
Words:otoko gatsuita    otoko gakodomo omita
Gloss:man NOMarrived    man NOMchild ACCsaw
Function:SVERBintrans    AOVERBtrans
Translation: ‘The man arrived.?    ‘The man saw the child.?


In this language, otoko, subject of the intransitive and agent of the transitive sentence is marked with the same nominative case ga. However, kodomo, the object of the transitive sentence is marked with the accusative case o.

To help understanding, we can simulate English as being an ergative language; Declension, as an example for pronouns, is due to the function of such pronoun in a sentence;

So, let’s remember: A = agent of a transitive verb ; S = subject of an intransitive verb; O = object of a transitive verb;

Thus, we have:

Accusative English (as it is)

I (S) have traveled.

I (A) have invited her (O) to go with me.

Ergative English (if it were so)

Me (S) have traveled.

I (A) have invited her (O) to go with me

In this last case (ergative) the declension for S and O is the same (Acc)

If there’s no case marking, ergativity can be marked through other means, such as in verbal morphology. For instance, Abkhaz has no morphological ergative case, but its verbal agreement structure is ergative. In languages with ergative-absolutive systems, the absolutive form is usually the most unmarked form of a word.

A number of languages have both ergative and accusative morphology. A typical example is a language that has nominative-accusative marking on verbs and ergative-absolutive case marking on nouns.

Georgian also has an ergative alignment, but the agent is only marked with the ergative case in the past tense (also known as the "aorist screeve"). Compare:

Katsi vashls chams. (კაცი ვაშლს ჩამს) "The man is eating an apple."
Katsma vashli chama. (კაცმა ვაშლი ჩამა) "The man ate an apple."


Kats- is the root of the word "man". In the first sentence (present continuous tense) the agent is in the nominative case (katsi). In the second sentence, which shows ergative alignment, the root is marked with the ergative suffix -ma.

However, there are some intransitive verbs in Georgian that behave like transitive verbs, and therefore employ the ergative case in the past tense. Consider:

Katsma daatsemina. (კაცმა დააცემინა) "The man sneezed."


Although the verb sneeze is clearly intransitive, it is conjugated like any other transitive verbs. In Georgian there are a few verbs like these, and there has not been a clear-cut explanation as to why these verbs have evolved this way. One explanation is that verbs such as "sneeze" did use to have a direct object (the object being "nose" in the case of "sneeze") and over time lost these objects, yet kept their transitive behavior.

Syntactic ergativity

Ergativity may be manifested through syntax in addition to morphology. Syntactic ergativity is quite rare, and while all languages that exhibit it also feature morphological ergativity, few morphologically ergative languages have ergative syntax. As with morphology, syntactic ergativity can be placed on a continuum, whereby certain syntactic operations may pattern accusatively while other ergatively. The degree of syntactic ergativity is then dependent on the number of syntactic operations that treat the Subject like the Object. Syntactic ergativity is also referred to as inter-clausal ergativity, as it typically appears in the relation of two clauses.

Syntactic ergativity may appear in:

Example

Example of syntactic ergativity in the "conjunction reduction" construction (coordinated clauses) in Dyirbal in contrast with English conjunction reduction. (The subscript (i) indicates coreference.)

English (SVO word order):
  1. Father returned.
  2. Father saw mother.
  3. Mother saw father.
  4. Father(i) returned and father(i) saw mother.
  5. Father returned and ____(i) saw mother.
  6. Father(i) returned and mother saw father(i).
  7. *Father returned and mother saw ____(i). (Ill-formed, because S and deleted O cannot be coreferential.)


Dyirbal (OSV word order):
  1. Ŋuma banaganyu. (Father returned.)
  2. Yabu ŋumaŋgu buṛan. (lit. Mother father-ŋgu saw, i.e. Father saw mother.)
  3. Ŋuma yabuŋgu buṛan. (lit. Father mother-ŋgu saw, i.e. Mother saw father.)
  4. Ŋuma(i) banaganyu, yabu ŋumaŋgu(i) buṛan. (lit. Father(i) returned, mother father-ŋgu(i) saw, i.e. Father returned, father saw mother.)
  5. *Ŋuma(i) banaganyu, yabu ____(i) buṛan. (lit. *Father(i) returned, mother ____(i) saw; ill-formed, because S and deleted A cannot be coreferential.)
  6. Ŋuma(i) banaganyu, ŋuma(i) yabuŋgu buṛan. (lit. Father(i) returned, father(i) mother-ŋgu saw, i.e. Father returned, mother saw father.)
  7. Ŋuma(i) banaganyu, ____(i) yabuŋgu buṛan. (lit. Father(i) returned, ____(i) mother-ŋgu saw, i.e. Father returned, mother saw father.)


Father returned.
fatherreturned
SVERBintrans


Father returned, and father saw mother.
fatherreturnedandfathersawmother
SVERBintransCONJAVERBtransO


Father returned and saw mother.
fatherreturnedand____sawmother
SVERBintransCONJAVERBtransO


Ŋuma banaganyu.
ŋuma-∅banaganyu
father-ABSreturned
SVERBintrans
"Father returned."


Yabu ŋumaŋgu buṛan.
yabu-∅ŋuma-ŋgubuṛan
mother-ABSfather-ERGsaw
OAVERBtrans
"Father saw mother."


Ŋuma yabuŋgu buṛan.
ŋuma-∅yabu-ŋgubuṛan
father-ABSmother-ERGsaw
OAVERBtrans
"Mother saw father."


Ŋuma banaganyu, ŋuma yabuŋgu buṛan.
ŋuma-∅banaganyuŋuma-∅yabu-ŋgubuṛan
father-ABSreturnedfather-ABSmother-ERGsaw
SVERBintransOAVERBtrans
"Father returned and mother saw father."


Ŋuma banaganyu, yabuŋgu buṛan.
ŋuma-∅banaganyu____yabu-ŋgubuṛan
father-ABSreturned(deleted)mother-ERGsaw
SVERBintransOAVERBtrans
"Father returned and was seen by mother."

Split ergativity

Main article: Split ergativity
The term ergative-absolutive is considered unsatisfactory by some, since there are very few languages without any patterns that exhibit nominative-accusative alignment. Instead they posit that one should only speak of ergative-absolutive systems, which languages employ to different degrees.

Many languages classified as ergative in fact show split ergativity, whereby syntactic and/or morphological ergative patterns are conditioned by the grammatical context, typically person or the tense/aspect of the verb. Basque is unusual in having an almost fully ergative system.

In Urdu and Hindi, ergative case is marked on agents in the perfective aspect for transitive and ditransitive verbs, while in other situations agents appear in the nominative case.

laṛkā kitāb kharīdtā hai
boy-NOMINATIVE-MASCULINE book-NOMINATIVE-FEMININE buy-IMPERFECT-MASCULINE be-PRESENT ¹
"The boy buys a book."


laṛke ne kitāb kharīdī
boy-ERGATIVE-MASCULINE book-NOMINATIVE-FEMININE buy-PERFECT-FEMININE ¹
"The boy bought a book."


:(¹) The grammatical breakup has been simplified to show the features relevant to the example.


In Dyirbal, pronouns are morphologically nominative-accusative when the agent is first or second person, but ergative when the agent is a third person.

Distribution of ergative languages

Prototypical ergative languages are, for the most part, restricted to specific regions of world: the Caucasus, parts of North America and Mesoamerica, and Australia.

Some specific languages are the following: Certain Australian Aboriginal languages (e.g., Warlpiri) possess an intransitive case and an accusative case along with an ergative case, and lack an absolutive case; such languages are called ergative-accusative languages or tripartite languages.

Many other languages have more limited ergativity, such as Pashto and Hindi (Indo-Iranian), where ergative behavior occurs only in the perfective, and Georgian, where ergativity only occurs in the aorist.

Traces of ergativity in English

English does show a trace of something that could be regarded as ergativity. With an intransitive verb, adding the suffix -ee to the verb produces a label for the person performing the action:

"John has retired." → "John is a retiree."
"John has escaped." → "John is an escapee."
"John is standing." → "John is a standee."


However, with a transitive verb, adding -ee does not produce a label for the person doing the action. Instead, it gives us a label for the person to whom the action is done:

"Mike employs Susie." → "Susie is an employee."
"Mike has inducted Susie." → "Susie is an inductee."
"Mike has appointed Susie" → "Susie is an appointee."


The differing effect of the "-ee" suffix, depending on the transitivity of the verb, can be considered ergativity. (Etymologically, the sense in which "-ee" denotes the object of a transitive verb is the original one, arising from French past participles in "-é". This would still be considered the prevalent sense in UK English: the intransitive uses are all 19th century American coinages and all except "escapee" are still marked as "chiefly U.S." by the Oxford English Dictionary.)

English also has a number of so-called ergative verbs, which allow the object of a transitive clause to become the subject of an intransitive clause.

Philippine languages as ergative

Bibliography

  • Anderson, Stephen. (1976). On the notion of subject in ergative languages. In C. Li. (Ed.), Subject and topic (pp. 1-24). New York: Academic Press.
  • Anderson, Stephen R. (1985). Inflectional morphology. In T. Shopen (Ed.), Language typology and syntactic description: Grammatical categories and the lexicon (Vol. 3, pp. 150-201). Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press.
  • Comrie, Bernard. (1978). Ergativity. In W. P. Lehmann (Ed.), Syntactic typology: Studies in the phenomenology of language (pp. 329-394). Austin: University of Texas Press.
  • Dixon, R. M. W. (1979). Ergativity. Language, 55 (1), 59-138. (Revised as Dixon 1994).
  • Dixon, R. M. W. (Ed.) (1987). Studies in ergativity. Amsterdam: North-Holland.
  • Dixon, R. M. W. (1994). Ergativity. Cambridge University Press.
  • Foley, William; & Van Valin, Robert. (1984). Functional syntax and universal grammar. Cambridge University Press.
  • Kroeger, Paul. (1993). Phrase structure and grammatical relations in Tagalog. Stanford: CSLI.
  • Mallinson, Graham; & Blake, Barry J. (1981). Agent and patient marking. Language typology: Cross-linguistic studies in syntax (Chap. 2, pp. 39-120). North-Holland linguistic series. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company.
  • Plank, Frans. (Ed.). (1979). Ergativity: Towards a theory of grammatical relations. London: Academic Press.
  • Schachter, Paul. (1976). The subject in Philippine languages: Actor, topic, actor-topic, or none of the above. In C. Li. (Ed.), Subject and topic (pp. 491-518). New York: Academic Press.
  • Schachter, Paul. (1977). Reference-related and role-related properties of subjects. In P. Cole & J. Sadock (Eds.), Syntax and semantics: Grammatical relations (Vol. 8, pp. 279-306). New York: Academic Press.
  • Silverstein, Michael. (1976). Hierarchy of Features and Ergativity. In R.M.W. Dixon (ed.) Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages (pp. 112-171). New Jersey: Humanities Press. Reprinted in Pieter Muysken and Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), Features and Projections (pp. 163-232). Dordrecht: Foris.

See also

External links

Linguistic Typology is an international peer-reviewed journal in the field of linguistic typology, founded in 1997. It is published by Mouton de Gruyter on behalf of the Association for Linguistic Typology. Its editor-in-chief is Prof. Frans Plank (University of Konstanz).
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Morphological typology is a way of classifying the languages of the world (see linguistic typology) that groups languages according to their common morphological structures.
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Please [improve the article] or discuss this issue on the talk page. This article has been tagged since April 2007.
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A synthetic language, in linguistic typology, is a language with a high morpheme-per-word ratio. This linguistic classification is largely independent of morpheme-usage classifications (such as fusional, agglutinative, etc.
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fusional language (also called inflecting language) is a type of synthetic language, distinguished from agglutinative languages by its tendency to "squish together" many morphemes in a way which can be difficult to segment.
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An agglutinative language is a language that uses agglutination extensively: most words are formed by joining morphemes together. This term was introduced by Wilhelm von Humboldt in 1836 to classify languages from a morphological point of view.
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Polysynthetic languages are highly synthetic languages, i.e. languages in which words are composed of many morphemes.

Definition

The degree of synthesis refers to the morpheme-to-word ratio. Languages with more than one morpheme per word are synthetic.
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An oligosynthetic language (from the Greek ὀλίγος, meaning "few" or "little") is any language using very few morphemes, perhaps only a few hundred, which combine synthetically to form statements.
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In linguistics, morphosyntactic alignment is the system used to distinguish between the arguments of transitive verbs and those of intransitive verbs. The distinction can be made morphologically (through grammatical case or verbal agreement), syntactically (through word
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A nominative-accusative language (or simply accusative language) is one that marks the direct object of transitive verbs distinguishing them from the subject of both transitive and intransitive verbs.
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Austronesian alignment, commonly known as the Philippine- or Austronesian-type voice system, is a typologically unusual morphosyntactic alignment that combines features of ergative and accusative languages.
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An active-stative language, or active language for short, is one in which the sole argument of an intransitive verb is sometimes marked in the same way as the agent of a transitive verb (that is, like a subject in English), and sometimes in the same way as the direct object
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A tripartite language, also called an ergative-accusative language, is one that treats the subject of an intransitive verb, the subject of a transitive verb, and the object of a transitive verb each in different ways.
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A direct-inverse language is a language where clauses with transitive verbs can be expressed either using a direct or an inverse construction. The direct construction is used when the subject of the transitive clause outranks the object in saliency or animacy but the
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The syntactic pivot is the verb argument around which sentences "revolve", in a given language. This usually means the following:
  • If the verb has more than zero arguments, then one argument is the syntactic pivot.

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theta role or θ-role is the formal device for representing syntactic argument structure (the number and type of noun phrases) required syntactically by a particular verb. For example, the verb put requires three arguments (i.e., it is ditransitive).
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In linguistic typology, word order is the order in which words appear in sentences. In many languages, changes in word order occur due to topicalization or in questions.
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In linguistics, a VO language is a language in which the verb typically comes before the object (thus including SVO, VOS and VSO languages). It was W.P. Lehmann who first proposed to reduce the six possible permutations of word order to just two main ones, VO and OV, in
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In linguistic typology, subject-verb-object (SVO), is a sentence structure where the subject comes first, the verb second, and the object third. Languages may be classified according to the dominant sequence of these elements.
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Verb Subject Object (VSO) is a term in linguistic typology. It represents one type of languages when classifying languages according to the sequence of these constituents in neutral expressions: Ate Sam oranges.
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In linguistic typology, Verb Object Subject or Verb Object Agent - commonly used in its abbreviated form VOS or VOA - represents the language-classification type in which the following sequence of the three constituents, in neutral expressions, is
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In linguistics, an OV language is a language in which the object comes before the verb. They are primarily left-branching, or head-final, i.e. heads are often found at the end of their phrases, with a resulting tendency to have the adjectives before nouns, to place
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In linguistic typology, Subject Object Verb (SOV) is the type of languages in which the subject, object, and verb of a sentence appear or usually appear in that order. If English were SOV, then "Sam oranges ate" would be an ordinary sentence.
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Object Subject Verb (OSV) or Object Agent Verb (OAV) is one of the permutations of expression used in Linguistic typology. OSV or OAV denotes the sequence "Object Subject Verb" in neutral expressions: Oranges Sam ate.
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Object Verb Subject (OVS) or Object Verb Agent (OVA) is one of the permutations of expression used in linguistic typology. OVS denotes the sequence 'Object Verb Subject' in unmarked expressions: Oranges ate Sam, Thorns have roses.
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Time Manner Place (TMP) describes one possible ordering of adpositional phrases in sentences.
  • Example: ... yesterday, by car, to the store.


Linguistic typology has observed that TMP order is common among Subject Object Verb (SOV) languages.
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Place Manner Time is a term used in linguistic typology to state the general order of adpositional phrases in a language's sentences: "to the store by car yesterday". It would seem that it is common among SVO languages. English, French, and Spanish belong to this category.
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A language is a system of symbols and the rules used to manipulate them. Language can also refer to the use of such systems as a general phenomenon.
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In linguistics, a grammatical agent is the participant of a situation that carries out the action in this situation. Also, agent is the name of the thematic role (also known as the thematic relation) with the above definition.
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In syntax, a transitive verb is a verb that requires both a subject and one or more objects. Some examples of sentences with transitive verbs:
  • Kyle sees Adam. (Adam is the direct object of "sees")
  • You lifted the bag.

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