Francisco Franco

Francisco Franco
Enlarge picture
Francisco Franco

Preceded by
Succeeded by

Political partyFET y de las Jons
SpouseCarmen Polo
ProfessionChief of the General Staff, Spanish Army
ReligionRoman Catholic

General Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco Bahamonde (4 December 1892 - November 19 or November 20, 1975), commonly abbreviated to Francisco Franco (pron. IPA: [fɾan'θisko 'fɾaŋko]) or Francisco Franco Bahamonde headed and later formally became head of state of Spain from October 1936, and of all of Spain from 1939 until his death in 1975.

Franco led a successful military career and reached the rank of General. He fought in Morocco and suppressed a strike in 1934. In February, 1936, the left-wing Popular Front won the general election and formed a government. A period of severe instability and disarray followed the election, with escalating violence between left and right wing supporters. Anti-clerical violence against the Church by extremist militants further raised tensions. After the assassination of a major opposition figure, José Calvo Sotelo, by a commando unit of the Assault Guards in July 1936, Franco participated in a coup d'etat against the legitimately elected Popular Front government. The coup failed and evolved into the Spanish Civil War during which he emerged as the leader of the Nationalists against the elected government.

After winning the civil war, he dissolved the Spanish Parliament, establishing an authoritarian regime that lasted until 1978, when a new constitution was drafted. During the Second World War, Franco maintained a policy of neutrality, although he did assist Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy on a small scale against communist Russia, most famously by sending troops (known as the Blue Division) to aid Nazi Germany in the occupation of Russia. Before the invasion of the Soviet Union by the German Army, Franco and Hitler met in Hendaye the 23rd of October 1940. In addition, during the Cold War, the United States established a diplomatic alliance with Franco, due to his strong anti-communist policy. American President Richard Nixon toasted Franco [1], and, after Franco's death, stated: "General Franco was a loyal friend and ally of the United States[1]."

Franco's state combined corporatism (though, this form of corporatism was not the neocorporatism of fascists, but the paleocorporatism of the middle ages), nationalism, and a focus on traditional values. From 1947 and until his death he was de facto regent of Spain, which he ruled as a dictator, heavy prison sentences and the application of the death penalty against criminals and political opponents(including terrorists) where present. After his death Spain began a transition to democracy.

Franco's legacy is still controversial. While his followers remember him as a strong leader who pacified and stabilized Spain, others remember him as a harsh dictator. Issues surrounding his controversial legacy include whether the Second Spanish Republic he overthrew had become an unstable regime, the nature of the relationship between his politics and those of contemporaries Hitler and Mussolini, the repressive policies adopted in cultural and regionalist domains (such as Catalonia and The Basque Country), state centralization, the nationalist and corporatist ideology of the Movimiento Nacional, and the execution of thousands of military and political opponents during the civil war and many years after.

Early life

Franco's father, Nicolás Franco y Salgado-Araújo, was a Navy paymaster, and his mother, María del Pilar Bahamonde y Pardo de Andrade, came from a family that had a tradition of service with the navy. His siblings included Nicolás, navy officer and diplomat; and Ramón, a pioneering aviator who was hated by many of Francisco Franco's supporters. Franco's mother, through the 7th Conde de Lemos and his wife the 3rd Condessa de Villalva, was twice a descendant of Portugese royalty. (From a sister of King Manuel I, and thus from other Portuguese kings [2] [3]).

Francisco was to follow his father into the navy, but entry into the Naval Academy was closed from 1906 to 1913. To his father's chagrin, he decided to join the Spanish Army. In 1907, he entered the Infantry Academy in Toledo, from which he graduated in 1910. He was commissioned as a lieutenant. Two years later, he obtained a commission to Morocco. Spanish efforts to physically occupy their new African protectorate provoked the protracted Rif War (from 1909 to 1927) with native Moroccans. Tactics at the time resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers, but also gave the chance of earning promotion through merit. It was said that officers would get either la caja o la faja (a coffin or a general's sash).

Franco soon gained a reputation as a good officer. He joined the newly formed regulares, colonial native troops with Spanish officers, who acted as shock troops.

In 1916, at the age of 23 and already a captain, he was badly wounded in a skirmish at El Biutz. His survival marked him permanently in the eyes of the native troops as a man of baraka (good luck). He was also recommended unsuccessfully for Spain's highest honor for gallantry, the coveted Cruz Laureada de San Fernando. Instead, he was promoted to major (comandante), becoming the youngest field grade officer in the Spanish Army.

From 1917 to 1920, he was posted on the Spanish mainland. That last year, Lieutenant Colonel José Millán Astray, a histrionic but charismatic officer, founded the Legión Extranjera, along similar lines to the French Foreign Legion. Franco became the Legion's second-in-command and returned to Africa.

On July 24 1921, the poorly commanded and overextended Spanish Army suffered a crushing defeat at Annual at the hands of the Rif tribes led by the Abd el-Krim brothers. The Legion symbolically, if not materially, saved the Spanish enclave of Melilla after a gruelling three-day forced march led by Franco. In 1923, already a lieutenant colonel, he was made commander of the Legion.

The same year, he married María del Carmen Polo y Martínez Valdés; they had one child, a daughter, María del Carmen, born in 1926.[4] As a special mark of honor, his best man (padrino) at the wedding was King Alfonso XIII, a fact that would mark him during the Republic as a monarchical officer.

Promoted to colonel, Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at Alhucemas in 1925. This landing in the heartland of Abd el-Krim's tribe, combined with the French invasion from the south, spelled the beginning of the end for the shortlived Republic of the Rif.

Becoming the youngest general in Spain in 1926, Franco was appointed in 1928 director of the newly created Joint Military Academy in Zaragoza, a new college for all Army cadets, replacing the former separate institutions for young men seeking to become officers in infantry, cavalry, artillery, and other branches of the army.

During the Second Spanish Republic

With the fall of the monarchy in 1931, in keeping with his long-standing apolitical record he did not take any notable stand. But the closing of the Academy, in June, by War Minister Manuel Azaña, provoked his first clash with the Republic. Azaña found Franco's farewell speech to the cadets[5] insulting. For six months, Franco was without a post and under surveillance.

On February 5 1932, he was given a command in La Coruña. Franco avoided involvement in José Sanjurjo's attempted coup that year, and even wrote a hostile letter to Sanjurjo expressing his anger over the attempt. As a side result of Azaña's military reform, in January 1933, Franco was relegated from the first to the 24th in the list of Brigadiers; conversely, the same year (February 17), he was given the military command of the Balearic Islands: a post above his rank.

The Asturias uprisings

New elections held in October 1933 resulted in a center-right majority. In opposition to this government, a revolutionary movement broke out October 5 1934. This uprising was rapidly quelled in most of the country, but gained a stronghold in Asturias, with the support of the miners' unions. Franco, already general of a Division and aide to the war minister, Diego Hidalgo, was put in command of the operations directed to suppress the insurgency. The forces of the Army in Africa were to carry the brunt of this, with General Eduardo López Ochoa as commander in the field. After two weeks of heavy fighting (and a death toll estimated between 1,200 and 2,000), the rebellion was suppressed.

The insurgency in Asturias sharpened the antagonism between Left and Right. Franco and López Ochoa—who, prior to the campaign in Asturias, was seen as a left-leaning officer—were marked by the left as enemies. At the start of the Civil War, López Ochoa was assassinated. Some time after these events, Franco was briefly commander-in-chief of the Army of Africa (from February 15 onwards), and from May 19 1935 on, Chief of the General Staff.

1936 General Election

After the ruling centre-right coalition collapsed amid the Straperlo corruption scandal, new elections were scheduled. Two wide coalitions formed: the Popular Front on the left, ranging from Republican Union Party to Communists, and the Frente Nacional on the right, ranging from the center radicals to the conservative Carlists. On February 16 1936, the left won by a narrow margin.[6] Growing political bitterness surfaced again. The government and its supporters, the Popular Front, had launched a campaign against the Opposition whom they accused of plotting against the Republic. The Opposition parties, on the other hand, had reacted with increasing vigour. The latter claimed that the Popular Front had not obtained legally more than just over two hundred seats in a Parliament of 473 members, that the government represented therefore only a minority, and added that the Popular Front's parliamentary majority was the result of large-scale electoral fraud, of Government-sponsored mob terror and intimidation, of the arbitrary annulment of all election certificates in many Right-wing constituencies, and of the expulsion, the arrest, or even the assassination, of many legally elected deputies of the Right. According to the Opposition, the real enemies of the Republic were not on the Right but on the Left; Spain was in imminent danger of falling under a Communist dictatorship, and therefore by fighting the Popular Front they, the Opposition, were merely doing their duty in defence of law and order and of the freedom and the fundamental rights of the Spanish people.[7]

The days after the election were marked by near-chaotic circumstances. Franco lobbied unsuccessfully to have a state of emergency declared, with the stated purpose of quelling the disturbances and allowing an orderly vote recount.

Instead, on February 23, Franco was sent away to be military commander of the Canary Islands, a distant place with few troops under his command.

Meanwhile, a conspiracy led by Emilio Mola was taking shape. Franco was contacted, but maintained an ambiguous attitude almost up until July. On June 23 1936, he wrote to the head of the government, Casares Quiroga, offering to quell the discontent in the army, but was not answered. The other rebels were determined to go ahead, con Paquito o sin Paquito (with Franco or without him), as it was put by José Sanjurjo, the honorary leader of the military uprising. After various postponements, July 18 was fixed as the date of the uprising. The situation reached a point of no return and, as presented to Franco by Mola, the coup was unavoidable and he had to choose a side. He decided to join the rebels and was given the task of commanding the Army of Africa. A privately owned DH 89 De Havilland Dragon Rapide, was chartered in England July 11 to take him to Africa.

The assassination of the right-wing opposition leader José Calvo Sotelo by government police troops (quite possibly acting on their own, as in the case of José Castillo) precipitated the uprising. On July 17, one day earlier than planned, the African Army rebelled, detaining their commanders. On July 18, Franco published a manifesto[8] and left for Africa, where he arrived the next day to take command.

A week later, the rebels, who soon called themselves the Nationalists, controlled only a third of Spain, and most navy units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces, which left Franco isolated. The coup had failed, but the Spanish Civil War had begun.

From the Spanish Civil War to World War II

The Spanish Civil War began in July 1936 and officially ended with Franco's victory in April 1939, making 190,000 victims on both sides [9]. Despite the Non-Intervention Agreement of August 1936, the war was marked by foreign intervention on both sides, leading to resulting in international repercussions. The nationalist side was supported by Fascist Italy, which sent the Corpo Truppe Volontarie and later Nazi Germany, which assisted with the Condor Legion infamous for their bombing of Guernica in April 1937. Great Britain and France strictly adhered to the arms embargo, provoking dissensions within the French Popular Front coalition led by Léon Blum, but the Republican side was nonetheless supported by volunteers fighting in the International Brigades and the Soviet Union. (See for example Ken Loach's Land and Freedom.)

Because Hitler and Stalin used the war as a testing ground for modern warfare, some historians, such as Ernst Nolte, have considered the Spanish Civil War, along with the Second World War, part of a "European Civil War" lasting from 1936 to 1945 and characterized mainly as a Left/Right ideological conflict. However, this interpretation has not found acceptance among most historians, who consider the Second World War and the Spanish Civil War two distinct conflicts. Among other things, they point to the political heterogeneity on both sides (See Spanish Civil War: Other Factions in the War) and criticize a monolithic interpretation which overviews the local specificities of Spanish history. It has to be considered, nevertheless, that the politics that allowed Mussolini and Hitler to establish themselves in Europe and the territorial claims for power and resources for which WW2 was triggered worked for Franco as well, regardless of the different origins of the militant Spanish sides. One may as well underline that the fate of Austria and Czechoslovakia was bargained together with the end of the Spanish Republic on the same table of negotiations with Hitler while the end of the Spanish Civil War (Spring 1939) coincided with the war planning of the two dictators. To that extent the two wars are strongly linked although the Spanish political situation had developed on a different basis.

The first months

Despite Franco having no money, while the state treasury was in Madrid with the government, there was an organized economic lobby in London looking after his financial needs with Lisbon as their operational base. Franco once said, "I got all my inspiration from the great Robert E. Lee. If I could grow a beard, I would ." Eventually, he was to receive important help from his economic and diplomatic boosters abroad.

Following the July 18, 1936 pronunciamento, Franco assumed the leadership of the 30,000 soldiers of the Spanish Army of Africa. The first days of the insurgency were marked with a serious need to secure control over the Spanish Moroccan Protectorate. On one side, Franco managed to win the support of the natives and their (nominal) authorities, and, on the other, to ensure his control over the army. This led to the summary execution of some 200 senior officers loyal to the Republic (one of them his own first cousin).[10] Franco's first problem was how to move his troops to the Iberian Peninsula, since most units of the Navy had remained in control of the Republic and were blocking the Strait of Gibraltar. He requested help from Mussolini, who responded with an unconditional offer of arms and planes; Wilhelm Canaris, the head of the Abwehr military intelligence, persuaded Hitler, as well, to support the Nationalists. From July 20 onward he was able, with a small group of 22 mainly German Junkers Ju 52 airplanes, to initiate an air bridge to Seville, where his troops helped to ensure the rebel control of the city. Through representatives, Franco started to negotiate with the United Kingdom, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy for more military support, and above all for more airplanes. Negotiations were successful with the last two on July 25, and airplanes began to arrive in Tetouan on August 2. On August 5, Franco was able to break the blockade with the newly arrived air support, successfully deploying a ship convoy with some 2,000 soldiers.

In early August, the situation in western Andalusia was stable enough to allow him to organize a column (some 15,000 men at its height), under the command of then Lieutenant-Colonel Juan Yagüe, which would march through Extremadura towards Madrid. On August 11, Mérida was taken, and on August 15 Badajoz, thus joining both nationalist-controlled areas. Additionally, Mussolini ordered a voluntary army, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) of some 12,000 Italians of fully motorised units to Seville and Hitler added to them a professional squadron from the Luftwaffe (2JG/88) with about 24 planes. All these planes had the Nationalist Spanish insignia painted on them, but were flown by Italian and German troops. The backbone of Franco's aviation in those days were the Italian SM.79 and SM.81 bombers, the biplane Fiat CR.32 fighter and the German Junkers Ju 52 cargo-bomber and the Heinkel He 51 biplane fighter.

On September 21, with the head of the column at the town of Maqueda (some 80 km away from Madrid), Franco ordered a detour to free the besieged garrison at the Alcázar of Toledo, which was achieved September 27. This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defences in Madrid and hold the city that year, but was an important morale and propaganda success.

Rise to power

The designated leader of the uprising, Gen. José Sanjurjo died on July 20, 1936 in an air crash. Therefore, in the nationalist zone, "Political life ceased."[11] Initially, only military command mattered; this was divided into regional commands: (Emilio Mola in the North, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano in Seville commanding Andalusia, Franco with an independent command and Miguel Cabanellas in Zaragoza commanding Aragon). The Spanish Army of Morocco itself was split into two columns, one commanded by General Juan Yagüe and the other commanded by Colonel José Varela.

From July 24, a coordinating junta was established, based at Burgos. Nominally led by Cabanellas, as the most senior general,[12] it initially included Mola, three other generals, and two colonels; Franco was added in early August.[13] On September 21, it was decided that Franco was to be commander-in-chief (this unified command was opposed only by Cabanellas),[14] and, and after some discussion, with no more than a lukewarm agreement from Queipo de Llano and from Mola, also head of government.[15] He was doubtless helped to this primacy by the fact that, in late July, Hitler had decided that all of Germany's aid to the nationalists would go to Franco.[16]

Mola considered Franco as unfit and not part of the initial rebel group. But Mola himself had been somewhat discredited as the main planner of the attempted coup that had now degenerated into a civil war, and was strongly identified with the Carlists monarchists and not at all with the Falange Fascist party, nor did he have good relations with Germans; Queipo de Llano and Cabanellas had both previously rebelled against the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera and were therefore discredited in some nationalist circles; and Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was in prison in Madrid (a few months later, he would be executed) and the desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state. Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and had cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy.[17]

On October 1 1936, in Burgos, Franco was publicly proclaimed as Generalísimo of the National army and Jefe del Estado (Head of State).[18] Mola was furious and Cabanellas intervened to calm the spirits down. When Mola was killed in another air accident a year later (June 2 1937), no military leader was left from those who organized the conspiracy against the Republic between 1933 and 1935.[19]

Military command

From that time until the end of the war, Franco personally guided military operations. After the failed assault on Madrid in November 1936, Franco settled to a piecemeal approach to winning the war, rather than bold maneuvering. As with his decision to relieve the garrison at Toledo, this approach has been subject of some debate; some of his decisions, such as, in June 1938, when he preferred to head for Valencia instead of Catalonia, remain particularly controversial from a military viewpoint.

Franco's army was supported by Nazi Germany in the form of the Condor Legion, infamous for the bombing of Guernica on April 26, 1937. These German forces also provided maintenance personnel and trainers, and some 22,000 Germans and 91,000 Italians served over the entire war period in Spain. Principal assistance was received from Fascist Italy (Corpo Truppe Volontarie), but the degree of influence of both powers on Franco's direction of the war seems to have been very limited. Nevertheless, the Italian troops, despite not being always effective, were present in most of the large operations in big numbers, while the CTV helped the Nationalist airforce dominate the skies for most of the war. António de Oliveira Salazar's Portugal also openly assisted the Nationalists from the start, contributing some 20,000 troops.

It is said that Franco's direction of the Nazi and Fascist forces was limited, particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion, however, he was officially, by default, their supreme commander and they rarely made decisions on their own. For reasons of prestige, it was decided to continue assisting Franco till the end of the war, and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid.[20]

Political command

In April 1937, Franco managed to fuse the ideologically incompatible national-syndicalist Falange ("phalanx", a far-right Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera) and the Carlist monarchist parties under a single-party under his rule, dubbed Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), which became the only legal party in 1939. The Falangists' hymn, Cara al Sol, became the semi-national anthem of Franco's not yet established regime.

This new political formation appeased the pro-Nazi Falangists while tempering them with the anti-German, pro-Spain Carlists. Franco's brother-in-law Ramón Serrano Súñer, who was his main political advisor, was able to turn the various parties under Franco against each other to absorb a series of political confrontations against Franco himself. At a certain moment he even expelled the original leading members of both the Carlists (Manuel Fal Conde) and the Falangists (Manuel Hedilla) to secure Franco's political future. Franco also appeased the Carlists by exploiting the Republicans' anti-clericalism in his propaganda, in particular concerning the "Martyrs of the war". While the loyalist forces presented the war as a struggle to defend the Republic against Fascism, Franco depicted himself as the defender of "Christian Europe" against "atheist Communism."

From early 1937, every death sentence had to be signed (or acknowledged) by Franco. From the beginning of the revolt, all the Junta generals ordered massive public and summary executions to spread fear and reduce resistance among the civilians.

During World War II, the head of the Abwehr, Wilhelm Canaris, had regular meetings with Franco and informed Franco of Hitler's attitude and plans for Spain. This information prompted Franco to surreptitiously reposition his best and most experienced troops to camps near the Pyrenees and to reshape the terrain to be unfriendly to tanks and other military vehicles .

The end of the civil war

Before the fall of Catalonia in February 1939, the Prime Minister of Spain Juan Negrín unsuccessfully proposed, in the meeting of the Cortes in Figueres, capitulation with the sole condition of respecting the lives of the vanquished. Negrín was ultimately deposed by Colonel Segismundo Casado, later joined by José Miaja.

Thereafter, only Madrid and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces. On February 27, Chamberlain and Daladier's governments recognized the Franco regime, before the official end of the war. The PCE attempted a mutiny in Madrid with the aim of re-establishing Negrín's leadership, but José Miaja retained control. Finally, on March 28, 1939, with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city (the "fifth column" General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in 1936), Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia, which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years, also surrendered. Victory was proclaimed on April 1, 1939, when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. On this very date, Franco placed his sword upon the altar in a church and in a vow, promised that he would never again take up his sword unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion.

Franco's victory was followed by thousands of summary executions (from 15,000 to 25,000 people [21]) and imprisonments, while many were put to forced labour, building railways, drying out swamps, digging canals (La Corchuela, the Canal of the Bajo Guadalquivir), construction of the Valle de los Caídos monument, etc. The 1940 shooting of the president of the Catalan government, Lluís Companys, was one of the most notable cases of this early repression. Although leftists sufferred from an important death-toll, the Spanish intelligentsia, atheists and military and government figures who had remained loyal to the Madrid government during the war were also targeted by the repression.

Despite the official end of the war, guerrilla resistance to Franco (known as "the maquis") was widespread in many mountainous regions, and continued well into the 1950s. In 1944, a group of republican veterans, which also fought in the French resistance against the Nazis, invaded the Val d'Aran in northwest Catalonia, but they were quickly defeated.

The end of the war led to tens of thousands of exilees, mostly to France (but also Mexico, Chile, etc.). On the other side of the Pyrenees, refugees were confined in internment camps of the French Third Republic, such as Camp Gurs or Camp Vernet, where 12,000 Republicans were housed in squalid conditions (mostly soldiers from the Durruti Division [22]). The 17,000 refugees housed in Gurs were divided into four categories (Brigadists, pilots, Gudaris and ordinary 'Spaniards'). The Gudaris (Basques) and the pilots easily found local backers and jobs, and were allowed to quit the camp, but the farmers and ordinary people, who could not find relations in France, were encouraged by the Third Republic, in agreement with the Francoist government, to return to Spain. The great majority did so and were turned over to the Francoist authorities in Irún. From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for "purification" according to the Law of Political Responsibilities.

After the proclamation by Marshall Pétain of the Vichy regime, the refugees became political prisoners, and the French police attempted to round-up those who had been liberated from the camp. Along with other "undesirables", they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany. 5,000 Spaniards thus died in Mauthausen concentration camp [23]. The Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, who had been named by the Chilean President Pedro Aguirre Cerda special consul for immigration in Paris, was given responsibility for what he called "the noblest mission I have ever undertaken": shipping more than 2,000 Spanish refugees, who had been housed by the French in squalid camps, to Chile on an old cargo ship, the Winnipeg.

World War II

For more details on this topic, see Spain in World War II.
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Hitler and Franco
Franco received important support from Hitler and Mussolini during the civil war. He remained emphatically neutral in the Second World War, but nonetheless offered various kinds of support to Italy and Germany. He allowed Spanish soldiers to volunteer to fight in the German Army against Stalin (the Blue Division), but forbade Spaniards to fight in the West against the liberal democracies. Franco's common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler's propagation of a pseudo-pagan mysticism and his attempts to manipulate Christianity, which went against Franco's deep commitment to defending Christianity and Catholicism.

In September 1939, World War II broke out in Europe, and although Adolf Hitler met Franco once in Hendaye, France (October 23 1940), to discuss Spanish entry on the side of the Axis, Franco's demands (food, military equipment, Gibraltar, French North Africa, Portugal, etc.) proved too much and no agreement was reached. (An oft-cited remark attributed to Hitler is that the German leader would rather have some teeth extracted than to have to deal further with Franco.) Contributing to the disagreement was an ongoing dispute over German mining rights in Spain. Some historians argue that Franco made demands that he knew Hitler would not accede to in order to stay out of the war. Other historians argue that he, as leader of a destroyed country in chaos, simply had nothing to offer the Germans and their military. Yet, after the collapse of France in June 1940, Spain did adopt a pro-Axis non-belligerency stance (for example, he offered Spanish naval facilities to German ships) until returning to complete neutrality in 1943 when the tide of the war had turned decisively against Germany and its allies. Some volunteer Spanish troops (the División Azul, or "Blue Division")—not given official state sanction by Franco—went to fight on the Eastern Front under German command from 1941-1943. Some historians have argued that not all of the Blue Division were true volunteers and that Franco expended relatively small but significant resources to aid the Axis powers' battle against the Soviet Union.

During the entire war, especially after 1942, the Spanish borders were more or less kept open for Jewish refugees from Vichy France and Nazi-occupied territories in Europe. Franco's diplomats extended their diplomatic protection over Sephardic Jews in Hungary, Slovakia and the Balkans. Spain was a safe haven for all Jewish refugees and antisemitism was not official policy under the Franco regime.

On June 14, 1940, the Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier (a city under the rule of the League of Nations) and did not leave it until 1945.

According to author Richard Bassett, Franco's neutrality was bought dearly with a sum paid by Churchill into Swiss bank accounts for him and his generals[24]. Franco thus waited quite a long time after WWII to pressure the United Kingdom regarding Spanish claims on Gibraltar.

Spain under Franco

Main article: Spain under Franco
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Francisco Franco and US President Dwight D. Eisenhower in Madrid in 1959
Franco was recognized as head of Spain by Great-Britain and France in February 1939, while the war officially ended in April. Already proclaimed Generalísimo of the Nationalists and Jefe del Estado (Head of State) in October 1936 [18], he therafter assumed the official titles of "Su Excelencia el Jefe de Estado" ("His Excellency the Head of State"). However, he was also referred to in state and official documents as "Caudillo de España" ("the Leader of Spain"), and sometimes called "el Caudillo de la Última Cruzada y de la Hispanidad" ("the Leader of the Last Crusade and of the Hispanic World") and "el Caudillo de la Guerra de Liberación contra el Comunismo y sus Cómplices" ("the Leader of the War of Liberation Against Communism and Its Accomplices").

In 1947, Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy, but did not designate a monarch. This gesture was largely done to appease monarchist factions within the Movimiento Nacional (Carlists and Alfonsists). Although a self-proclaimed monarchist himself, Franco had no particular desire for a King yet, and as such, he left the throne vacant, with himself as de facto regent. He wore the uniform of a Captain General (a rank traditionally reserved for the King) and resided in the El Pardo Palace. In addition, he appropriated the royal privilege of walking beneath a canopy, and his portrait appeared on most Spanish coins.

Lacking any strong ideology, Franco initially sought support from various right-wing groups. He initially allied very closely with the fascist elements of the Falange, especially during World War II. These were then marginalized in favor of ("Opus Dei") technocrats. The consistent points in Franco's long rule included above all nationalism, the defence of Catholicism and the family, anti-Freemasonry, and anti-Communism.

With the end of World War II, Spain sufferred from the economic consequences of its isolation from the international community. This situation ended in part when, due to Spain's strategic location in light of Cold War tensions, the United States entered into a trade and military alliance with Spain. This historic alliance commenced with United States President Eisenhower's visit in 1953 which resulted in the Pact of Madrid. Spain was then admitted to the United Nations in 1955.

Political repression

Following the initial repression immediately after Franco's military victory, and the failure of the guerrilla attempts against his regime in the 1950s, Franco's regime enjoyed better stability. Imprisonment and abuse of political opponents continued however throughout Franco's period in power. Those artists of the Generation of '27 who remained in Spain entered interior exile or even pactised with the new regime.

During Franco's rule, non-government trade unions and all political opponents across the political spectrum, from communist and anarchist organizations to liberal democrats and Catalan or Basque separatists, were either suppressed or tightly controlled by all means including violent police repression. The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) trade-unions were outlawed, and replaced in 1940 by the corporatist Sindicato Vertical. The PSOE Socialist party and the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) were banned in 1939, while the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) entered clandestinity. The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) went into exile, and in 1959, the ETA armed group was created to wage a low-intensity war against Franco.

The legal usage of languages other than Spanish (especially Catalan, Galician and Basque languages) was forbidden. Language politics in Francoist Spain stated that all government, notarial, legal and commercial documents were drawn up exclusively in Spanish and any written in other languages were deemed null and void. The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools and banned on advertising and road and shop signs. Citizens continued to speak these languages in private.

All cultural activities were subject to censorship, and many were plainly forbidden (often in an erratic manner). This cultural policy relaxed with time, most notably in the early 1970s.

Civil marriages which had taken place under Republican Spain were declared null and void and had to be reconfirmed by the Catholic Church of Spain. The enforcement by public authorities of strict Roman Catholic social mores was a stated intent of the regime, mainly by using a law (the Ley de Vagos y Maleantes, Vagrancy Act) enacted by Azaña [2]. The remaining nomads of Spain (Gitanos and Mercheros like El Lute) were especially affected. In 1954, homosexuality, pedophilia, and prostitution were, through this law, made criminal offenses [3], although its application was seldom consistent.

Most towns were patrolled by pairs of Guardia Civil, a military police for civilians, and functioned as his chief means of social control. Franco, like others at the time, evidenced a concern about a possible Masonic conspiracy against his regime. Some non-Spanish authors have described it as being an "obsession".

Student revolts at universities in the late '60s and early '70s were violently repressed by the heavily-armed Policía Armada (Armed Police), also known as "los grises" because of their grey uniforms.

Franco continued to personally sign all death warrants until just months before he died, despite international campaigns requesting him to desist.

Spanish colonial empire and decolonization

Further information: Spanish Empire
Spain attempted to retain control of its colonial empire through-out Franco's rule. During the Algerian War (1954-62), Madrid even became the base of the Organisation de l'armée secrète (OAS) right-wing armed group which attempted to prevent Algerian independence from France. Despite this, Franco was forced to make some concessions. Henceforth, when French Morocco became independent in 1956, he surrendered to Mohammed V Spanish Morocco, retaining only some enclaves (the Plazas de soberanía). The year after, Mohammed V invaded Spanish Sahara during the Ifni War (known as the "Forgotten War" in Spain). But it was only in 1975, with the Green March, that Morocco took control of all of the former Spanish territories in the Sahara.

In 1968, due to United Nations' pressure, Franco granted Spain's colony of Equatorial Guinea its independence, and the next year, ceded the exclave of Ifni to Morocco. Under Franco, Spain also pursued a campaign to gain sovereignty of the British colony of Gibraltar, and closed the border in 1969, which was not fully reopened until 1985.


See also: Economic history of Spain: Economy under Franco

The Civil War had ravaged the Spanish economy. Infrastructure had been damaged, workers killed, and daily business severely hampered. For more than a decade after Franco's victory, the economy improved little. Franco initially pursued a policy of autarky, cutting off almost all international trade. The policy had devastating effects, and the economy stagnated. Economic growth picked up in 1959 after Franco took authority away from ideologues and gave more power to apolitical technocrats. The country implemented several development policies and growth took off creating the "Spanish Miracle". During the 1960s, some sectors of Francoist Spain's population experienced a significant increase in personal wealth. At the time of Franco's death, Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe. After periods of rapid growth during the late 1980s and late 1990s, Spain now only lags slightly behind the other Western European economies.


Franco was reluctant to enact any form of administrative and legislative decentralisation and kept a fully centralised form of government with a similar administrative structure to that established by the House of Bourbon and General Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja. Such structures were both based in the model of the French centralised State.

Franco's legacy is still particularly poorly perceived in Catalonia and the Basque Country. The Basque Country and Catalonia were among the regions that offered the strongest resistance to Franco in the Civil War, but one of the strongest to his support during this regime. Franco dissolved the autonomy granted by the Spanish Republic to these two regions and to Galicia. Franco abolished the centuries-old fiscal privileges and autonomy in two of the three Basque provinces: Guipuzcoa and Biscay, but kept them for Alava.

Among Franco's greatest area of support during the civil war was Navarre, also a Basque speaking region in its north half. Navarre remained a separated region from the Basque Country and Franco decided to preserve its also centuries' old fiscal privileges and autonomy, the so-called Fueros of Navarre.

Franco abolished the official statute and recognition for the Basque, Galician, and Catalan languages that the Spanish Republic had granted for the first time in the history of Spain. He returned to Spanish as the only official language of the State and education. The Franco era corresponded with the popularisation of the compulsory national educational system and the development of modern mass media, both controlled by the State and in Spanish language, and heavily reduced the number of speakers of Basque, Catalan and Galicianas, as it happened during the second half of the twentieth century with other European minority languages which were not officially protected like Scottish Gaelic or French Breton. By the 1970s the majority of the population in the urban areas could not speak in the minority language or, as in some Catalan towns, their use had been abandoned. The most endangered case was the Basque language. By the 1970s Basque had reached the point where any further reduction in the number of Basque speakers would have not guaranteed the necessary generational renewal and it is now recognised that the language would have disappeared in only a few more decades. This was the main reason that drove the franquist provincial government of Alava to create a network of Basque medium schools (Ikastola) in 1973 which were State financed.

Franco's death and funerals

Enlarge picture
Franco is entombed in the monument of Santa Cruz del Valle de los Caídos.
In 1969, he designated Prince Juan Carlos de Borbón, with the new title of Prince of Spain, as his successor. This came as a surprise for the Carlist pretender to the throne, as well as for Juan Carlos's father, Don Juan, the Count of Barcelona, who technically had a superior right to the throne. By 1973, Franco had surrendered the function of prime minister (Presidente del Gobierno), remaining only as head of state and commander in chief of the military. As his final years progressed, tension within the various factions of the Movimiento would consume Spanish political life, as varying groups jockeyed for position to control the country's future. In 1974 Franco fell ill, and Juan Carlos took over as Head of State. Franco soon recovered, but one year later fell ill once again, and after a long illness, Franco died on November 20, 1975, at the age of 82—the same date as the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, founder of the Falange. It is suspected that the doctors were ordered to keep him barely alive by artificial means until this symbolic date of the far-right. The historian Ricardo de la Cierva says that on the 19th around 6 p.m. he was told that Franco had already died.

After Franco's death, the interim government took decision to bury him at Santa Cruz del Valle de los Caídos, a colossal memorial officially dedicated to all casualties during Spanish Civil War. The monument, conceived personally by Franco, however has a distinctly nationalist tone. It was built by Republican prisoners of war under forced labour.

In popular imagination, he is often remembered as in the black and white images of No-Do newsreels, inaugurating a reservoir, hence his nickname Paco Ranas (Paco – a familiar form of Francisco – "frogs"), or catching huge fish from the Azor yacht during his holidays.

Franco's legacy

Further information: Spanish transition to democracy

In Spain and abroad, the legacy of Franco remains controversial. Symbols from the Franco regime (such as the national flag with the Imperial Eagle) are now banned by law, while the national anthem of Spain, the Marcha Real, is deprived of the lyrics introduced by Franco.

In Germany a squadron named after Werner Mölders has been renamed, because as a pilot he led the escorting units in the bombing of Guernica. As recently as 2006, the BBC reported that Maciej Giertych, a MEP of the far-right League of Polish Families, had expressed admiration for Franco's stature who allegedly "guaranteed the maintenance of traditional values in Europe" [25].

This, however, is not the most shared opinion. Several statues of Franco and other public Francoist symbols have been removed, with the last statue in Madrid coming down in 2005 [26]. In 2002, José Maria Aznar's conservative government had voted against proposals to remove street names, statues and other symbols of the Franco era [26].

Additionally, the Permanent Commission of the European Parliament "firmly" condemned in a resolution unanimously adopted in March 2006 the "multiple and serious violations" of human rights committed in Spain under the Francoist regime from 1939 to 1975 [27][28]. The resolution was at the initiative of the MEP Leo Brincat and of the historian Luis María de Puig, and is the first international official condemnation of the repression enacted by Franco's regime [27]. The resolution also urged to provide public access to historians (professional and amateurs) to the various archives of the Francoist regime, including those of the private Fundación Francisco Franco which, as well as other Francoist archives, remain as of 2006 inaccessible to the public [27]. The Fundación Francisco Franco received various archives from the El Pardo Palace, and is alleged to have sold some of them to private individuals Luis Gomez and Mabel Galaz, La cosecha del dictador, El Pais, 9 September 2007 (Spanish). Furthermore, it urged the Spanish authorities to set up an underground exhibition in the Valle de los Caidos monument, in order to explain the "terrible" conditions in which it was built [27]. Finally, it proposes the construction of monuments to commemorate Franco's victims in Madrid and other important cities [27].

In Spain, a Commission to repair the dignity and restitute the memory of the victims of Francoism (Comisión para reparar la dignidad y restituir la memoria de las víctimas del franquismo) was approved in the summer of 2004, and is directed by the vice-president María Teresa Fernández de la Vega [27].

Recently the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (ARHM) initiated a systematic search for mass graves of people executed during Franco's regime, which has been supported since the PSOE's victory during the 2004 elections by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government. A Ley de la memoria histórica de España (Law on the Historical Memory of Spain) has been approved on 28 July, 2006 by the Council of Ministers, but is still to be voted. Among other things, the draft law is supposed to enforce an official recognition of the crimes committed against civilians during the Francoist rule and organize under state supervision the search for mass graves.

Furthermore, the accumulated wealth of Franco's family (including much real estate inherited from Franco, including the Pazo de Meirás, the Canto del Pico in Torrelodones or the Cornide Palace in the Coruña [27]) has also been discussed. Estimates goes between 60,000 million pesetas and 100,000 million pesetas (more than 601,012,104 Euros) [28]. When Franco was sick, the Cortes voted a pension for his wife, Carmen Polo. At her death in 1988, Carmen Polo received more than 12,5 million pesetas (four million more than Felipe González, then head of the government) [28].

According to the newspaper website of the Guardian UK, In late 2007, "Spain will ban all public references to the Franco regime, with all statues, street names and symbols associated with the dictator to be removed. Those churches which still have plaques commemorating Franco and the victims of his republican opponents risk losing state aid if the refuse to remove them".[4]

Franco in popular media


1. ^ New York Times. "Nixon Asserts Franco Won Respect for Spain." November 21, 1975, Friday, page 16.
2. ^ [5]
3. ^ [6]
4. ^ Carmen Franco y Polo, 1st Duquesa de Franco on Accessed 8 August 2006.
5. ^ Discurso de Franco a los cadetes de la academia militar de Zaragoza (Spanish) (1931-06-14). Retrieved on 2006-07-21.
6. ^ "Riots Sweep Spain on Left's Victory; Jails Are Stormed", The New York Times, February 18, 1936.
7. ^ Muggeridge, Malcolm, editor, Ciano's Diplomatic Papers, Odhams, London, 1948: 17-18
8. ^ Manifesto de las palmas (Spanish) (1936-07-18). Retrieved on 2006-07-21.
9. ^ Santos Juliá, coord. Víctimas de la guerra civil, Madrid, 1999, ISBN 84-8460-333-4
10. ^ La Memoria de los Nuestros (Spanish). Retrieved on 2006-07-21.
11. ^ Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War, revised and enlarged edition (1977), New York: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-014278-2. p. 258
12. ^ Thomas writes, "to pacify, rather than to dignify, him." op. cit., p. 282.
13. ^ Thomas, op. cit., p. 282.
14. ^ Thomas, op. cit., p. 421.
15. ^ Thomas, op. cit., pp 423–424.
16. ^ Thomas, op. cit., p. 356.
17. ^ Thomas, op. cit., pp 420–422.
18. ^ Thomas, op. cit., p. 424.
19. ^ Thomas, op. cit., pp 689–690.
20. ^ The Spanish Republic and the civil war 1931-39, by Gabriel Jackson, New Jersey, 1967
21. ^ Recent searches conducted with parallel excavations of mass graves in Spain (in particular by the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory, ARMH) estimate that the total of people executed after the war may arrive at a number between 15,000 to 35,000. See for example Fosas Comunes - Los desaparecidos de Franco. La Guerra Civil no ha terminado, El Mundo, 7 July 2002 (Spanish)
22. ^ (French) Camp Vernet Website
23. ^ Film documentary on the website of the Cité nationale de l'histoire de l'immigration (French)
24. ^ Bassett, Richard (June 2005). Hitler's Spy Chief: The Wilhelm Canaris Mystery. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 352. ISBN 0297846876. 
25. ^ Europe diary: Franco and Finland, BBC News, 6 July 2006 (English)
26. ^ Madrid removes last Franco statue, BBC News, 17 March 2005 (English)
27. ^ Primera condena al régimen de Franco en un recinto internacional, EFE, El Mundo, 17 March 2006 (Spanish)
28. ^ Von Martyna Czarnowska, Almunia, Joaquin: EU-Kommission (4): Ein halbes Jahr Vorsprung, Weiner Zeitung, 17 February 2005 (article in German language). Accessed 26 August 2006.
29. ^ Luis Gomez and Mabel Galaz, La cosecha del dictador, El Pais, 9 September 2007 (Spanish)

See also

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Preceded by
Juan Negrín
President of the Government of Spain
Succeeded by
Luis Carrero Blanco
Preceded by
Manuel Azaña
President of Spain
Succeeded by
Monarchy reinstated with vacant throne; Franco acts as de facto regent
Spanish Head of State
Succeeded by
Juan Carlos I

NAMEFranco, Francisco
ALTERNATIVE NAMESFranco y Bahamonde Salgado Pardo, Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo (full name); Franco Bahamonde, Francisco (standard name)
SHORT DESCRIPTIONDictator and head of state of Spain
DATE OF BIRTH4 November 1892(1892--)
PLACE OF BIRTHFerrol, Galicia, Spain
DATE OF DEATH19 November 1975
Franco may refer to:


Franco is a common surname in Portuguese and Spanish which derives from the word "Frank", in reference to the Germanic tribe of the Franks, who invaded the modern-day France during the Migration period[1].
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María del Carmen Polo y Martínez-Valdés (June 11, 1900, Oviedo - February 6, 1989, Madrid); (age 88) was Francisco Franco's wife and a member of the Spanish nobility as Señora de Meirás Grandee of Spain with the title of Doña, as well as a descendant of a privileged
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